By Daniel A. Sabatier
Even if loeal governments have characteristically exereised virtually unique regula tory eontrol over land improvement inside of their jurisdictions, in the course of the Nineteen Seventies nation governments started to amass eonsiderablc authority over loeal land use deeisions. experiences of the implementation of those new courses, besides the fact that, have normally had the drawbacks of now not being built-in into theoretieal litera tures within the soeial seien ces and being affected by monstrous mcthodologieal prob lems. at the foundation of a overview of literatures on poliey making via regulatory ageneies, the implementation of federal soeialldistributive courses, and the situational variables affecting ageney habit, during this learn we advance a common eoneeptual framework of the implementation proeess of regulatory statutes. The framework is then utilized to the implementation of 1 of the extra novel and eomprehensive state-levclland use statutes, the California Coastal region Conser vati on Act of 1972. during this venture we reeeived eonsiderable assistanee within the layout level and later in overview of initial drafts of our document from aNational Advisory Committee eomposed of individuals actively fascinated with the implementation ofland use poliey, representatives of teams laid low with land use legislation, and seholars within the box. For serving at the eommittee we're indebted to James Carroll, California Couneil for Environmental and Eeonomie stability; Paul Culhane, division of Politieal Seience, U niversity of Houston; supply Dehart, workplace of Coastal area administration, Washington, D. C.
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Additional info for Can Regulation Work?: The Implementation of the 1972 California Coastal Initiative
About 82% of this population was eoneentrated in the five southernmost counties (San Dicgo, Orange, Los AngeIes, Ventura, and Santa Barbara). 2 Furthermore, the population of the 15 coastal counties increased 26% in the 1960-1970 period, while that of the eoastal planning area grew at an cven greater rate, 31 %. Population increases were highcst in the five southernmost eounties, while San Francisco and the three northernmost counties in the North Coast region showed very slight declincs during this period.
14 Second, there was a basic mismatch between the area of largest population and demand for facilities in the south and the conccntration of coastal parks in the north. One therefore finds that in 1973 in the sparsely populated North Coast region the state owned 230 thousand acres of oceanfront property, and in the moderately populated Central and South Central regions this rose to 247 thousand and 241 thousand acres, respectivcly. Yet in the North Central region, which included the San Francisco Bay arca, the figure dropped to 176 thousand acres.
57. Lipset, Trow, and Coleman. Union Demoeracy, Preface and chap. 1, especially pp. 12-13. 58. This docs not presume that the eommissions did in fact substantially achieve their statutory objectives. But just as Lipset et al. had a strong prima faeie basis at the commencemcnt of their 26 CHAPTER 1 study for believing that the ITU was a basically democratic union, so we have strong grounds for believing that the decisions of the coastal commissions on controversial permit cases were substantiaJly different from those of local governments and gcneraJly consistent with the aces objectives.